'Four problems with spontaneous order' is de eerste tekst van Sandefur.
Hij beschrijft eerst nog eens de essentie van het spontane orde idee:
Waar hij echter 4 problemen mee ziet.Perhaps his most famous idea is that social mores or legal rules can emerge as a result of particular individuals acting on local knowledge — and therefore that economic and political order need not be designed and implemented by conscious planning. Indeed, economic and political orders are so complex, and involve so much scattered and inarticulable information, that no central authority could harness the details required to design them. In a free society, countless individuals managing their own affairs end up cooperating without realizing it, thanks to the choices they make based on their limited information. The whole institution grows from the bottom up. This “spontaneous order,” Hayek argued, is a dynamic discovery process, in which people can experiment with new social mores, or new laws, just as they might with new technologies. As he put it in The Constitution of Liberty, “[t]he existence of individuals and groups simultaneously observing partially different rules provides the opportunity for the selection of more effective ones.”
Intuïtief ben ik niet akkoord met de eerste stelling, denk ik dat de tweede inderdaad waar is en ben ik heel zeker geneigd akkoord te gaan met de derde en de vierde.
- (1) The difference between constructed and spontaneous orders is not a difference in principle. Indeed, the difference turns out to depend solely on the observer’s choice of perspective. This means that
- (2) while spontaneous order is descriptively useful, it provides no basis for a normative critique of constructivism, just as the concept of evolution by natural selection cannot tell us whether a lion should eat any particular antelope
- In fact, (3) unless all orders that persist are ipso facto just, then the concept of spontaneous order gives us no basis for recognizing an unjust order.
- Hayek tried to resolve this problem by incorporating intentional planning into the process of spontaneous order, but this meant that (4) remedying injustice requires “rational constructivism,” which leads us back to problem (1).
Hij geeft een voorbeeld van het eerste:
Consider an exchange between Judge Richard Posner and economist Donald Boureaux in the NYU Journal of Law and Liberty. Posner commented that Hayek’s belief in spontaneous order was “in considerable tension with his great admiration for the Constitution of the United States,” because the Constitution was a written plan of government formulated by experts — a constructed order. But Boudreaux disagreed the Constitution’s authors “did not seek to create all or even most law de novo,” or “to replace wholesale one set of laws with another.” Rather, they incorporated “[t]he evolved common law rooted in English experience and modified by more recent experience in the colonies.”
Both Posner and Boudreaux were right. The Constitution was rationally constructed, if looked at up close — but it was also the product of a spontaneous order, seen in the context of the history of Anglo-American common law.
Daarop volgend, het tweede deel van de kritiek:
Misschien kan Hayek dit niet doen op basis van zijn eigen framework, maar indien je een lichtjes anders - en meer consistent en duidelijk liberaal framework van 'private eigendom' neemt, kan je dit perfect doen. Het bureaucratisch plan overschrijft immers het proces van vrijwillige interactie - wat per definitie een gedecentraliseerd proces is - en legt de wil van de bureaucraat op aan mensen die daar niet mee akkoord gaan.If a bureaucrat proposes a top-down, rational plan for economic or social organization, the Hayekian cannot object that doing so will disrupt the development of spontaneous order; indeed, that plan is a product of the spontaneous order — and, of course, new spontaneous orders will grow up around it once implemented.
Ik ben geneigd hiermee akkoord te gaan. Daar heb je inderdaad secundaire redenen voor nodig. 'k ben ook nooit een fan geweest om 'spontane orde' te gebruiken als normatief argument per se, tenzij als tegenargument tegen de overduidelijke kandidaat: 'alle orde moet gecreëerd worden' (of elke mogelijke variant daarvan; en daar zijn er veel van.)
Likewise, spontaneous order can give us no guidance about whether any particular rationally constructed plan should or should not be implemented.
Alles bij elkaar; toch een goede, kritische tekst. Zeker het lezen waard.
En nu de reacties:
'Four solutions to Sandefur's problems' door John Hasnas
Hasnas begint:
En dat is inderdaad een goed tegenargument, me dunkt.Now, I may be missing something, but I would have thought the principled distinction between constructed and spontaneous orders was patent — constructed orders have a designated final decision maker; spontaneous orders do not.
Als reactie op het tweede punt:
Maar dat vind ik toch niet zo'n denderend argument. Er is geen enkele reden om te aanvaarden dat elke spontane orde alleen maar elementen heeft van 'peaceful coöperation'. (Tenzij, natuurlijk, dat je het zo definieert, maar 'k ben niet zeker of dat echt handig is.) Verder mist dit ook het punt van de Sandefur: die vraagt hoe je kan weten wanneer in elk particulier geval het beter is om een 'spontane' dan wel een 'constructivistische' orde te hebben. Ook een bedrijf is een constructivistische orde, maar ook onderdeel van een breder spectrum van sociale coöperatie. Hasnas antwoordt niet op de vraag. Wat Hasnas hier zegt is: 'het moet via vrijwillige coöperatie gebeuren', maar daarmee antwoord hij niet op de vraag, zijnde: 'kan je op elk particulier moment weten of het via spontane orde of via gecreëerde moet gebeuren, gebruikmakend van spontane orde analyse?' Het antwoord daarop lijkt mij een 'nee', daar heb je andere, secundaire argumenten voor nodig. (Zoals de rechtvaardigheid van vredevolle coöperatie, het onrechtmatig gebruik van een overheid, etc.) Maar puur spontane orde analyse op zich, kan geen antwoord bieden - zover ik zie.To answer this question (...) one must show that spontaneous orders advance a legitimate moral value more effectively than do constructed orders. They do. That value is peaceful cooperation.
Hasnas gaat ten dele akkoord met de kritiek van Sandefur op Hayek's juridische analyse:
Hayek was unable to consistently apply his insight about spontaneous order to the law. He was unable to see the law as just another product of market forces. Like virtually everyone of his generation and, for that matter, like virtually everyone today, he saw the law as a unique monopoly, necessarily separate and apart from the market for which it supplied the rules of the game. His belief in the absolute need for a definite set of rules to undergird the market process — his rules of just conduct — made it impossible for him to treat the law as a truly spontaneous order. As a result, he spent much of Law, Legislation and Liberty searching for the square circle — a spontaneous order in which certain human beings were authorized to make collective choices for the entire order.Daniel Klein zijn essay: "Liberty between the lines in a modernist age' geeft ook een reactie. Hij tracht Hayek zijn onduidelijkheid (en fouten) te kaderen in een meer historisch referentiekader.
In de laatste Essay, van bibliograaf van Hayek Bruce Caldwell, 'Making sense of Hayek on Spontaneous Order' kiest ook voor de meer historische benadering om te begrijpen wat Hayek zei in de tijd dat hij het zei. (Zonder daarmee de kritiek van Sandefur af te doen als irrelevant.)
Caldwell stelt een belangrijke vraag:
Having made morals a product of evolution, however, Hayek apparently undermined any foundation from which to make normative judgments about orders of any kind. How does one deal with this?
One is to say that Hayek’s criticisms of constructed orders and his evolutionary account of the development of ethics were on two different levels. Hayek himself was a type of rule utilitarian, and his criticisms of constructed orders had to do with the bad consequences he thought they entailed. On the other hand, his evolutionary writings were a positive account of the origins, persistence, and functions of a system of ethics and of certain specific ethical norms. This also may hold the key for explaining his model constitution proposal. Here we must distinguish between rule proposal or design, and rule selection.
Of de andere:
Another way to make sense of Hayek is simply to assert that he was making no normative claims at all, that he was doing positive science. This would probably be Hayek’s preferred route, given that the Austrians always claimed to be following Weber’s strictures regarding Wertfreiheit. Thus when he criticized central planning, Hayek was actually claiming that, given the goals of socialists, central planning was not the appropriate means by which to reach them. Likewise, in criticizing the imposition of extensive planning on the already existing complex order that comprises “the great society,” he might as easily be read as saying that if you take this approach, you should realize that you will be condemning millions of people to relative deprivation, and in some instances to starvation and even death.
Caldwell besluit:
But it is a long way from there to Sandefur’s claim that, because there is no difference in principle between a constructed order and a spontaneous order, we are helpless to distinguish between them.
Zo, kleine literatuur van de 4 teksten. 'k kan ze alleen maar aanraden. Als je toch niet te veel tijd hebt, lees dan enkel de eerste 2 (of zelfs enkel maar de tekst van Sandefur). Ik ben zeker dat je er iets uit zal bijleren.
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